CUBA
A climate of persecution of intellectual and news activities
has increased drastically in Cuba, with strange and
draconian punishments far things not considered crimes
elsewhere in the world. This report, perhaps the longest
and most extensive chronicle of free speeeh abuses in
Cuba, is backed by verified specific names, addresses, dates
and additional documentation.
In the last few weeks, members of the Association of
lndependent Journalists of Cuba (APIC) have been attacked
individually in the streets of Havana. The campaign against this small but influential independent journalists'
association is not an isolated attack on press
freedom. Foreign correspondents have also been beaten up
when they have tried to interview dissidents. They have
been arbitrarily expelled from the eountry and have had
their journalistic equipment and material destroyed or
confiseated.
Much of this repression is unofficial, carried out by
plainclothes operators, but clearly officially sanctioned.
Victims of these attacks are ignored in the police stations
and when they go to hospitals, they are treated, but medical
authorities refuse te file a denunciation, as required by
law.
Cuban intellectuals who have written or signed statements
or articles, which in some way could be interpreted
as anti-government, have been jailed or removed from
their jobs, with no prospect of other employment.
The use of so-called "brigades of rapid response" against writers and intellectuals has been stepped up, and
in at least one case the editorial staff of an official newspaper was employed in an "act of repudiation" against a
human rights activist. Such attaeks are launched against
the homes of people who have been fingered by the Department
of State Security.
Since last April, there have been several serious infringements
of press freedom. They include the case of APIC, founded in Cuba several years ago by Huber Jerez, now in exile, and Yndamiro Restano, now in jail, and other now-exiled or jailed journalists. The organization was started up again earlier this year with new leaders to "defend the rights of press professionals who have decided to assume the responsibility which their profession demands towards their country and its citizens' The organization states, "We have as our purpose to defend freedom of expression and the press, the undeniable basis of mankind's full dignity." APIC has also called for the total elimination of press censorship and the establishment of
independent and private media. The organization defines
itself as a totally apolitical journalists' association, to
which media professionals of "all tendencies" can belong.
"Our association is a project which tries to establish
the basis of professional validity so that when there is a
political change, we can operate as a free press," stated
Elias Valentin Noa, an APIC vice-president, who left Cuba
August 28. He indicated that the organization has only
about ten official members, but said that almost half of
Cuba's journalists had expressed interest in participation.
Last May, APIC asked the government for official recognition
as an association in order to hold legal meetings
and attract new members. Its leaders were all working
journalists in good standing. Noa was editorial director of
Radio Cadena Habana and the group's president, Néstor S.
Baguer, a member of the Cuban Royal Academy of the
Language, was director of cultural programming for the
same radio station, having warked far many years in
Cuba's official news agency.
The proeess of official intimidation began a few weeks
after the petition for government approval was submitted.
Rolando Pratt, one of the key journalists in the reactivation
of the organizatian, was attacked near his house in
July. On August 3, Baguer and Noa were arrested and
questioned for several hours about APIC. They were told
their organization was strictly illegal and that its activities
would not be tolerated.
On August 10, APIC secretary Bernardo Marqués,
copy editor at the literary magazine El Caimán Barbudo
was beaten up by two men as he was leaving the home of
APIC treasurer Raúl Rivero. Marqués tried to file an official
complaint at a nearby poliee station, but could not find anyone to take it. Then, on August 18, Baguer was involved in a strange accident when a cydist gave him a
karate chop on a Havana street. Although the APIC president
required three stitches in his head, hospital authorities
refused to issue a certifieate that he had been injured
or to file a report themselves to the government, as required
by law.
An APIC vice-president, who asked that his name not
be used, was attacked four days later on a main street in
Miramar by two individuals, who beat him up and stole
his walet.
Noa asserted: "The creatian of an association undermines
the offieial press beeause it establishes the desire of
the majority of press professionals for a radical change in
the media. journalists feel badly about the way in which
they must do their job at the present time. They maintain
a two-faced attitude at work, but they are disenchanted."
As Noa left Cuba from the Havana airport August 28
with a six-month official permission, he was again detained
and questioned about APIC activities, and again told the association would not be tolerated.
Another important infringement of press liberty is the
case of Freneh journalist Bertrand de la Grange. The Le
Monde correspondent for Central America was attacked
May 23 by two beefy men, using Interior Ministry vehides.
La Grange, who had visited Cuba on many occasions, was surveilled for days as he interviewed Cuban dissidents.
On arrival by taxi at the home of Vladimiro Roca,
a government official who had reeently made public his
opposition to the regime, La Grange was "fierecly attacked,
beaten savagely in the face and other parts of the body,
and left bleeding and unconscious," according to reports
from human rights organizations on the island. The attack
was interrupted with the arrival of Roca's wife, who
screamed for help. The assailants escaped in a white government
Lada without license plates, taking the journalist's camera and notebooks. A police patrol subsequently
took La Grange to a hospital and then to a police
station, where it was established that he had arrived in the
country on a tourist visa without official press accreditation.
He was expelled from Cuba.
A third case involves Angela de la Coba, 57, president
of the Committee of Independent Mothers (CIM), who
wrote an artide about the organization and distributed it
to the media. In the artide, De la Coba, mother of political
prisoner Orlando Domínguez de la Coba, described
how CIM was trying to gather signatures for a petition to
obtain amnesty for political prisoners. The artide was not
published, and no reporters came to interview De la Coba,
but on April 7, two automobiles with a dozen Union of
Cuban journalists reporters arrived at her home. The journalists
began to scream at the woman and stood on the
staircase of her house, tearing up the notes she had sent
to the press. They accused her of being a CIA agent and
an enemy of Cuba. The journalists then staged a similar
attack at the house of another CIM member, Haydee
Marrero, although she was not at home during the incident.
Her neighbors suffered the brunt of the verbal attacks.
Another incident concerns Royal Academy of the Language
member Manuel Díaz Martínez, who was dismissed
from his job on a Radio Enciclopedia Popular edueation program
and attacked repeatedly in the juventud Rebelde newspaper
after he signed a document supporting a democratic
system and known as the "Declaration of the Ten." Subsequently,
he resigned from a Foreign Ministry position he
held.
His case is not isolated. In the last few months, according
to both APIC and human rights organizations, at
least 48 journalists and intellectuals have been fired because
of participation or collaboration with groups such as
APIC or because of the signing of documents supporting
democracy. The dismissed journalists were from the official
media, induding the news agency Prensa Latina, cultural
magazine Revolución, Radio Cadena Habana,juventud
Rebelde and Trabajadores.
The repression extends not only to journalists, but
to writers. Roberto Luque Escalona, whose book "Fidel, el
juicio de la Historia" was published in Mexico in 1990,
while he was still residing in Cuba, was continually subject
to attacks and "acts of repudiation" and then arrest.
He was finally allowed to leave the country on june 18,
but his 18-year-old son Ernesto was detained at the airport
and refused permission te travel, even though he had an
exit visa. After an unsuccessful week-long hunger strike
beginning September 16 in New York, Luque offered to
return to Cuba to face charges in exchange for his son's
freedom. The government did not respond.
The poet Marla Elena Cruz Varela and the journalist
Yndamiro Restano were arrested and jailed as a result of
their activities and writings in defense of human rights.
According to Americas Watch, more than 200 human
rights monitors have been jailed in Cuba since 1989. Luis
Alberto Pita Santos and other members of the Association
of Human Rights Defenders were arrested after participating
in a press conference with foreign journalists.
Official declarations have recently attacked intellectual
dissent and collaboration with the foreign press. Recent
arrests include that of Ceipo Borrego, director of the
television program "Jóven-Jóven," who dropped leaflets
against the government from a bathroom window of the
Cuban Radio and Television headquarters. Dr. Santiago
Medina Corzo was arrested for hanging up a poster in support
of Maria Elena Cruz Varela and democratic freedoms.
Others have been arrested for distributing pamphlets and
shouting anti-government slogans.
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