A new wave of attacks, restrictions, and harassment against journalists and independent media marked the state of press freedom during this period. The regime of Daniel Ortega and Rosario Murillo intensified its strategy of information control through stigmatization campaigns, digital aggression, the closure of professional spaces, and migration restrictions. These actions coincided with politically sensitive months leading up to July 19, the anniversary of the Sandinista revolution.
The quarterly report by the Foundation for Freedom of Expression and Democracy (FLED) documented 40 cases of press freedom violations up to June, highlighting the regime’s intent to create a controlled communication environment. It was compounded by the impact of the assassination of former military officer and analyst Roberto Samcam in Costa Rica on June 19, which heightened the sense of risk among exiled journalists and deepened self-censorship within a profession already battered by systematic persecution.
In this context, Nicaraguan journalism remains trapped between state surveillance, hostile official discourse, and the precarious conditions of exile. Nevertheless, despite adversity, journalists and media outlets continue to report with determination.
Of the 40 documented press freedom violations, 28 occurred in the digital sphere, reflecting the near-total dismantling of independent journalism’s physical presence within the country. These digital attacks have become one of the regime’s main tools to intimidate, discredit, and wear down journalists who remain active either inside Nicaragua or in exile.
Three journalists remain in prison: Irving Guerrero was arrested on February 9, 2025, in the city of León and accused of alleged illegal possession of weapons; Leo Cárcamo was violently captured on November 22, 2024; and Elsbeth D’Anda was arrested on October 27, 2024, for allowing a phone call on her television program in which a citizen complained about the high cost of the basic food basket.
Digital aggression not only affects journalists personally and professionally but also seeks to weaken their connection with audiences. The goal is to erode the credibility of independent media and sow public distrust.
The government also launched a more aggressive stigmatization campaign against the independent press. Official spokespeople such as William Grisby, Moisés Absalón Pastora, and Santiago Aburto systematically repeated accusations against journalists, labeling them as “enemies of the people” or “media hitmen.”
This campaign extended into educational spaces. Public universities promoted the documentary 100 Days of War Against the People, directed by political propagandist Marcio Vargas. The film accuses the independent press of manipulating the events of 2018 and supporting an alleged “attempted coup.” This effort aimed to reinforce the official narrative among young audiences with a discourse that criminalizes journalism.
These actions are part of an institutional propaganda strategy aimed at discrediting critical media and imposing a single narrative. Verbal attacks, baseless accusations, and the constant portrayal of journalists as responsible for social polarization serve to justify the regime’s hostility.
The assassination of former military officer and political analyst Roberto Samcam in Costa Rica on June 19 deeply affected the exiled journalism community. Investigative lines have not ruled out the possibility that the regime orchestrated the crime.
News of the murder raised alarms about the regime’s repression potentially crossing borders. Immediately, many exiled journalists began to reinforce their personal security measures and reduce their visibility. Some suspended participation in community events, while others limited their presence on social media or avoided public appearances. Several began the process of relocating to countries considered safer, such as Spain.
Between April and September, there was an increase in entry denials for journalists and content creators to Nicaragua. Unlike previous periods, these measures did not target only high-profile figures; they also affected other communicators who were attempting to return for family or personal reasons.
One notable case was that of journalist and businessman A.R., a dual Nicaraguan-American citizen, who was detained at the international airport on May 28 and forced to return to the United States without explanation. Another case involved content creator Henry Dubón, who on May 30 was notified by Avianca Airlines that he was banned from entering the country.
This period also saw the closure or forced transformation of media outlets. On June 30, Radio Centro 870 AM, with over three decades of history in Chontales, ceased AM broadcasts. It was later announced that it would continue in digital and FM formats. Still, a change in ownership and the cancellation of flagship programs raised concerns about a possible editorial reconfiguration under new conditions.
On May 26, the government canceled the legal status of the Union of Journalists of Nicaragua (UPN), a professional organization with over forty years of existence. Officially, the measure was justified by administrative noncompliance. Still, it was interpreted as part of a broader policy to eliminate any autonomous professional structure, even those previously aligned with the regime, like the UPN.
It was also reported that a local TV channel was forced to destroy over fifteen years of archives containing critical coverage and to broadcast only official content. This imposition reduced the channel’s programming to sports, recycled movies, and municipal propaganda, under threat of asset confiscation for noncompliance.
Exiled journalists continued to face increasing harassment. Several reported reprisals against family members still in Nicaragua, which intensified self-censorship and reinforced the perception of insecurity. Some even stopped interacting with their own relatives on social media to avoid putting them at risk.
In Costa Rica, at least 15 journalists faced challenges related to their immigration status. The Migratory Identity Document for Foreigners (DIMEX), under the refugee applicant category, allowed specific procedures but, in practice, blocked access to many services. Cases were reported of journalists unable to renew internet plans, collect packages, or complete banking procedures due to the lack of a more stable immigration category.
In 2025, harassment of YouTubers and content creators became more visible and systematic. Throughout the year, several incidents have shown how the regime perceives these travelers as a threat to its information control.
One such case was Kurt Caz, who in May 2025 was detained by police while filming in Managua’s central park. After being released, he confessed to feeling afraid in his hotel, aware of the regime’s constant surveillance. Between April and September, the following incidents were reported involving foreign YouTubers: Andy Tirado from Peru, harassed at the southern border and detained for six hours by immigration authorities; Alexander Lapshin, a Russian-Israeli, whose wife and 10-year-old daughter were detained at the border in July and accused of being Israeli spies; Federico Skrbec from Argentina, deported in September; Pamela Corvalán and Juan Manuel Sosa from Argentina, who left the country earlier than planned in September; and Angélica Chaves from Colombia, a content creator denied entry at the Peñas Blancas border.
