The press in Paraguay is facing a complex and dynamic landscape, marked by the expansion of the digital era and the persistence of serious challenges that jeopardize the full exercise of freedom of expression. The need to adapt to new models of information consumption coexists with an environment of institutional fragility and violence, especially in border areas, where investigative journalism becomes a high-risk endeavor.
The main progress lies in digital transformation and the resulting diversification of voices. The proliferation of native digital media, podcasts, streaming platforms, and social networks has enabled the emergence of informational niches, community journalism, and greater audience interaction, strengthening the media’s capacity to respond to issues of public interest.
At the institutional level, tensions between the national government and the press continued during this period, with systematic attacks against journalists from independent media, while intimidation has become institutionalized as a response to journalistic investigations into nepotism and corruption.
President Santiago Peña, involved in a scandal over possible acts of corruption following the discovery of envelopes containing large sums of money, frequently clashes with the media, as do deputies and senators from his party.
The pattern of abuse of influence and the resulting rollback of rights and freedoms has been highlighted in the annual report of the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights (IACHR). In this context, government pressure against critical media voices and companies associated with them is evident, as seen in the closure of the Biggie retail chain, owned by Grupo Zuccolillo, the proprietor of ABC Color.
These authoritarian tendencies of the ruling party are evident in the pressure exerted on the opposition in Congress, the manipulation of state advertising as a tool of economic coercion, the restrictions imposed on civil society organizations under the so-called “Anti-NGO Law,” and the promotion of legislative initiatives that have the potential to limit freedom of expression. These indirect mechanisms of censorship aim to undermine the financial and operational sustainability of independent journalism.
In September, the Chamber of Deputies again considered the Personal Data Protection Bill. This initiative is controversial because it could restrict transparency and access to public information. Article 24 imposes limitations on Law No. 5189/14 regarding the provision of information on the use of public resources, as well as on Law No. 5282, which guarantees free access to information and promotes government transparency.
Regarding issues resistant to transparency, in May, the Attorney General, Emiliano Rolón Fernández, issued a circular instructing Public Ministry officials to “maintain secrecy” regarding their actions. Meanwhile, President Peña signed a decree regulating the Law on the “Diplomatic and Consular Service; and the Administrative and Technical Service of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Republic of Paraguay,” which stipulates that officials and employees of that agency “must maintain absolute confidentiality and discretion regarding matters related to their duties.”
In September, Argentine President Javier Milei spoke at the Conservative Political Action Conference (CPAC). Still, security guards prevented journalists from recording his speech, which the Paraguayan Journalists’ Union (SPP) denounced as an act of censorship.
Also in September, the Senate Human Rights Commission announced that it will issue a report on the long-debated bill to protect journalists. The bill proposes the creation of the Mechanism for the Protection of Journalists and Human Rights Defenders (MPPD).
In July, Cinthia González, widow of journalist Leo Verás, who was killed in 2020 in Pedro Juan Caballero, accused Deputy Santiago Benítez (ANR) of offering her “protection” and “financial compensation” in exchange for helping to release Waldemar Rivas Días, the main suspect in the murder. In September, three years had passed since the killing of journalist Humberto Coronel Godoy in Pedro Juan Caballero. The case was closed after the material author of the crime died in prison.
Journalist Carlos Benítez, host of the program El Observador on Radio Ñandutí, recently reported a shooting attack against his home in Lambaré, a municipality bordering Asunción. He suspects the “promissory note mafia,” which he has been investigating.
In September, journalist Fabián Costa, head of press for the Municipality of Lambaré, reported an attack on his home and vehicle involving 22 bullets. Three people were arrested, including a leader of the Club Cerro Porteño fan group, who was known as a drug trafficker.
Added to this is non-lethal violence, which includes assaults, threats, coercion, and, increasingly, judicial harassment (lawfare) and digital smear campaigns, often orchestrated from spheres of political and economic power to silence criticism and obstruct investigations into corruption and organized crime.
In August, radio journalist Aníbal Gómez from Pedro Juan Caballero filed a complaint for coercion and threats after receiving text messages. He had previously reported that an emissary of Deputy Santiago Benítez had asked him to “forget” about covering the legislator.
In September, Deputy Rodrigo Gamarra (ANR-HC) labeled journalist Francisca Pereira of Grupo La Nación a “hitwoman” on social media and threatened her with legal action. The attack occurred after Pereira shared a video in which a citizen criticized Gamarra’s toll collection project.
In August, a hearing took place on the case Zuccolillo Moscarda vs. Paraguay at the Inter-American Court of Human Rights (IACHR) in Costa Rica. Four judges questioned the arguments of outgoing State Attorney Marco Aurelio González in defense of the State. The magistrates criticized the case for being judged under outdated standards that penalized freedom of expression. In July 2024, the IACHR concluded that the State violated Zuccolillo’s rights to freedom of thought and expression when he was convicted in 2005 for alleged “defamation” against then-senator Juan Carlos “Calé” Galaverna (ANR). The IACHR, the victim’s representatives, CEJIL, and lawyer César Coll Rodríguez requested, among other measures, that the criminal sanction against Zuccolillo be nullified, that defamation, slander, and libel offenses related to matters of public interest or public officials be decriminalized, and that limits on pecuniary sanctions be established to guarantee proportionality.
In judicial matters, in May, the trial began for communicator Carlos Granada, accused in August 2022 of sexual harassment, sexual coercion, and coercion, following complaints from workers of Grupo Albavisión. The Network of Women Journalists and Communicators of Paraguay had denounced the “excessive slowness” of the process. It emphasized the workers’ right to perform their duties in a harassment-free environment.
Also in May, Senator Norma Aquino (ANR-HC), who had been removed from Congress for alleged influence peddling, reacted to new press publications about nepotism in her family, urging her Senate colleagues to consider a law to “regulate journalists’ activities.”
During this period, habeas data claims continued, seeking the removal of published news. Recently, a first-instance court rejected a habeas data petition filed in February by Jonattan Ortiz Ríos, which sought to have Última Hora, ABC Color, and other outlets remove information implicating him in criminal matters.
On August 25, Gladys Elena Núñez Peralta filed a habeas data claim against Hoy, ABC Color, and Crónica, requesting the removal of news about her and the murder of her husband.
On October 15, the Senate Human Rights Committee postponed consideration of the long-debated bill to protect journalists. The bill provides for the creation of the Mechanism for the Protection of Journalists and Human Rights Defenders (MPPD). Hours before the bill was postponed, Senate President Basilio Núñez stated that the State already has institutions responsible for ensuring the safety of journalists. Senator Dionisio Amarilla said the proposal would create a “caste” of “first- and second-class” citizens.
