During this period, the use of police and judicial mechanisms as instruments of pressure and repression against independent journalists, content creators, and activists who report on, document, and disseminate information about the country’s situation intensified. These practices resulted in an increase in detentions, summonses, interrogations, and judicial proceedings, further restricting the exercise of freedom of expression and freedom of the press.
The most serious incident was the pretrial detention of journalist Henry Constantín, director of La Hora de Cuba and IAPA’s regional vice president for Cuba on its Committee on Freedom of the Press and Information. This was compounded by widespread movement restrictions imposed on journalists in Havana, police warnings in Pinar del Río, the prosecution of content creator Anna Bensi and her mother for recording an officer of the Revolutionary National Police (PNR), and the re-arrest of Andy García, a political prisoner of the July 11 (11J) protests who was documenting demonstrations in Santa Clara.
The context remains marked by a severe energy crisis. Independent media reported in September the eighth total collapse of the national power grid so far in 2026, in addition to prolonged outages affecting connectivity and the ability to produce and disseminate information. Power outages lasting more than 20 hours a day, previously more frequent in other parts of the country, also spread to Havana. The prolonged blackouts sparked spontaneous protests and pot-banging demonstrations in the capital, documented by journalists and citizens using cell phones. Some of these demonstrations resulted in arrests.
At the same time, outbreaks of diseases such as dengue, influenza, and hepatitis were reported in the city of Camagüey, affecting broad sectors of the population amid shortages of medicines, supplies, and specialized personnel. Power and water interruptions at hospitals worsened the health situation.
Between May and September, restrictions on the movement of journalist Henry Constantín and pressure against him escalated. In July, State Security (SE) agents prevented him from attending a Fourth of July celebration at the residence of U.S. Ambassador Mike Hammer in Havana through surveillance and warnings around his home in Camagüey. This was in addition to other incidents in which his contact with diplomatic representatives was obstructed.
On September 8, Constantín was summoned by an SE agent to appear the following day at the Identification, Immigration and Foreign Nationals Directorate in Camagüey. On September 15, the same agent informed him of another summons, this time to the second PNR station on September 16, where he was detained. Authorities accused him of the alleged offense of disobedience in connection with the September 9 summons, although the journalist did appear; he was simply late, and the officers had already left.
After his detention, he was transferred to Villa María Luisa, an SE operations center. A habeas corpus petition was filed on his behalf on September 21, but the Provincial People's Court rejected it, a decision communicated directly to Constantín at the end of the month.
On September 24, he was transferred without notice to the maximum-security Kilo 7 prison, where he remains in pretrial detention. His defense attorneys were incorrectly given the location where he was being held—Cerámica instead of Kilo 7. The correct location became known through a call Constantín made to his partner, journalist Alejandra García. These proceedings have unfolded in a context of arbitrary application of the law, accompanied by disinformation practices.
On September 30, his defense filed a handwritten motion and a complaint with the Municipal Court seeking to change the precautionary measure, with the aim of replacing pretrial detention with a less restrictive measure, in accordance with the Criminal Procedure Law.
The U.S. Embassy in Cuba and Juan Pablo Segura, the U.S. Deputy Assistant Secretary of State for Western Hemisphere Affairs, commented on the situation on X, describing it as unjust and stating that Constantín remains imprisoned for “reporting the truth and exposing the regime’s abuses.”
In other incidents, between September 17 and 18, an SE operation was documented to prevent journalists, activists, and members of civil society from attending the “American Nights” celebration organized by the U.S. Embassy in Havana. The measures included personal warnings, patrols outside homes, and verbal orders prohibiting people from leaving their residences. The affected journalists included Camila Acosta—who reported that she is routinely subjected to this type of surveillance—Boris González Arenas, Yoani Sánchez, Reinaldo Escobar, Yunia Figueredo, and Frank Correa. Restrictions were also reported against activist Adelth Bonne Gamboa and other members of civil society.
Likewise, on September 17, an SE agent identified as Major John went to the residence of Dagoberto Valdés Hernández, director of the Convivencia Studies Center, an independent think tank dedicated to analyzing the Cuban reality, to warn him that its members were prohibited from attending “American Nights.” The Center publicly confirmed the visit.
Anna Sofía Benítez Silvente (Anna Bensi), a 21-year-old content creator, and her mother, Caridad Silvente (Cary), face criminal proceedings for “acts against personal and family privacy, one’s own image and voice, the identity of another person, and their data” after recording and sharing a video of a Ministry of the Interior (MININT) noncommissioned officer during a summons. At a trial on October 1, described as a “sham,” both received two-year sentences of “limited freedom,” which could be converted into imprisonment if they violate the restrictions imposed on them.
July 11 protest political prisoner Andy García Lorenzo was detained on August 30 while recording a neighborhood protest over power outages in Santa Clara. He was initially charged with “public disorder” and released after more than 20 hours. His family reported that SE agents had previously threatened him with imprisonment if he continued documenting protests.
In July and August, Austin Llerandi Pérez, director of the community outlet Amanecer Habanero in Havana, was subjected to surveillance, summonses, and threats of imprisonment by SE agents. At the end of August, he received an ultimatum to leave the country within two months. Other contributors to the outlet also faced pressure, including summonses, threats of espionage charges, and movement restrictions.
On September 18, coinciding with the eighth national power-grid collapse of the year, historian and essayist Alina Bárbara López Hernández was detained in Matanzas as she was preparing to hold her monthly civic protest for political prisoners. She remains under house arrest.
Meanwhile, several emblematic cases involving repression of dissent and the exercise of freedom of expression remained in prison during the period. Comedian Eddy Ceballos, creator of the Despingovery Channel, was denied judicial review, prolonging his imprisonment on charges of “espionage.”
Members of the independent digital project El4tico (El Cuartico), Kamil Zayas and Ernesto Ricardo Medina, remain imprisoned on charges related to their political analysis and satire videos, accused of inciting “public disorder,” amid the criminalization of spaces for opinion on social media. Journalists Jorge Bello and José Gabriel Barrenechea also remain imprisoned for their participation in protests. Mayelín Rodríguez Prado (La Chamaca del Chamaco), who is not a journalist, is serving a 15-year sentence after interviewing minors during a demonstration, while Yunaikis Linares is serving a sentence for her activities on social media.
Cuban journalists continue to face restrictions on freedom of movement, including bans on leaving the country through their inclusion in the “regulated” category. This measure prevents independent journalists from traveling abroad and is used as an additional mechanism of pressure and control against those engaged in critical journalism or expressing dissenting views.
On the legal front, international organizations continue to characterize the current legal framework as restrictive of civil rights. Provisions of the Criminal Code, such as “mercenarism” and “propaganda against the constitutional order,” are applied in both administrative and judicial proceedings.
Independent journalism lacks legal recognition, and some independent journalists are listed as “unemployed” in official records. Independent media outlets operate without legal protection.
Regarding the internet, service disruptions, poor-quality connections, and restrictions affecting non-state providers have been reported.
The State retains control over the main media outlets, including radio, television, and telecommunications. In addition, independent outlets face obstacles to producing and distributing printed publications because of difficulties obtaining supplies such as paper. Recent Decree 160/2026, published in July and effective since August, eliminates the possibility for independent media outlets to formalize themselves as private economic activities in Cuba and keeps essential areas such as journalism, media publishing, news agencies, broadcasting, and certain editorial and information activities under state control. In addition to reinforcing the lack of legal recognition for independent journalism, the regulation introduces a new administrative prohibition.
During this period, several relevant trends emerged that reveal persistent patterns and new forms of restrictions on freedom of expression and the exercise of journalism. Verbal summonses often serve as a prelude to arrests and criminal proceedings, while vague offenses such as “disobedience,” “public disorder,” and “acts against privacy” are used as instruments of pressure. In addition, brief detentions are followed by pretrial imprisonment, while movement restrictions are coordinated around sensitive dates and activities. This is compounded by the criminalization of recording agents or protests, as well as procedural obstacles such as delays in resolving habeas corpus petitions and requests to modify precautionary measures, and the lack of access to case files. There continues to be a lack of information regarding investigations or sanctions against those responsible for these actions.
