Independent journalism is both witness to and victim of the silent, slow-motion genocide being suffered by the Cuban people.
Independent journalism is both witness to and victim of the silent, slow-motion genocide being suffered by the Cuban people.
With an average salary of about US$15 per month, in contrast to a personal basic basket of around US$50, the population is overwhelmed by all kinds of shortages—scarce and expensive food, limited access to drinking water, generic medicines only available on the black market, poorly maintained hospitals and schools lacking staff and hygiene, power outages of more than 20 hours a day, and outbreaks of tropical diseases. Added to this are other factors driving a sustained and massive exodus, such as rising crime and poverty, the collapse of tourism, and the extremely high cost of rent and construction materials.
Independent journalists must tell these stories despite facing constant political repression, ranging from close surveillance of their movements and actions to direct physical attacks on them and their relatives. For instance, the regional vice president of the IAPA's Press Freedom and Information Committee, Henry Constantín, was imprisoned for four days in State Security cells to prevent him from attending a celebration at the U.S. Embassy in Havana. Another case is that of journalist José Gabriel Barrenechea, who, after participating in a peaceful protest against blackouts in his town, has been held in pretrial detention for nearly a year.
There are laws on access to public information, communication, and associations; the Constitution speaks of freedom of expression; there are also laws regulating Internet use, private economic activity, and family "protection." However, in all of these, journalism is not protected but instead threatened or outright prohibited. The Penal Code includes more than a dozen articles that can be used to imprison journalists or media executives.
Law 149 on the Protection of Personal Data poses a threat to the work of independent media by imposing restrictions on the handling of personal data of public figures and by requiring costly compliance for outlets that manage such data. It also allows the government to punish journalists for the "inappropriate" use of personal information.
The government does not rely on any law to justify its practice of detaining independent journalists for house arrest—lasting hours or days—on special dates. Journalist Camila Acosta, from Cubanet, documented at least eight such house arrests during this period, all of which were entirely unjustified under the law. The Ministry of the Interior is responsible for these omissions and illegal actions, as is the Ministry of Justice, which routinely refuses to protect those who file complaints.
The stigmatizing discourse against independent media has continued, though its impact on the population has waned due to the regime's ideological exhaustion. The outlet El Toque was targeted for its section that tracks daily average exchange rates for various currencies—a key reference used by the public to gauge inflation and by others to set exchange prices.
Hundreds of public employees, particularly officials of the Communist Party, government agencies, and state institutions, are ordered by their superiors to comment on and share regime-generated content using fake or anonymous social media profiles.
Access to public information, official sources, and government events remain forbidden for independent journalists. At public events (even non-governmental ones, such as religious processions), official visits, and other mass gatherings of political interest to the regime, independent reporters are detained as soon as State Security identifies them or placed under house arrest to prevent coverage. It has happened several times to Camila Acosta and her husband, writer Ángel Santiesteban, who was detained for attempting to cover a Catholic procession.
Surveillance, tailing, and both physical and digital intimidation against independent journalists is recurrent. Virtually all reporters and media leaders on the island are assigned "neighbors" or nearby state employees tasked with monitoring their homes and visitors. The husband of Iris Mariño, deputy editor and writer for La Hora de Cuba, was filmed on a cellphone just two days after moving into a new home, which remains under surveillance. In July, Henry Constantín's neighbors reported visits from State Security agents seeking information about his movements. A former contributor to the same outlet was pressured to reveal details of the organization's internal operations as a condition to be allowed to leave the country.
The state has taken no visible steps to prevent threats, attacks, or aggressions against journalists and media. Complaints filed with local government offices, the Ministry of the Interior, or the courts are routinely dismissed as soon as officials realize the accusations target public institutions or their agents.
There has been an increase in legal action against journalists. José Gabriel Barrenechea, from 14ymedio, was charged with "public disorder" and faces a six-year sentence, even though during the protest he attended, he was the leading voice calling for calm. Osmel Ramírez, a contributor to Diario de Cuba, was accused of "assault" by an economic inspector merely for taking and posting a photo of her on Facebook along with a critical comment. Journalist Jorge Bello remains imprisoned for participating in the July 11, 2021, protests. Constantín was accused of "contempt" for republishing the photo and name of a State Security agent in his outlet.
Both the Data Protection Law and regulations on cybercrimes contain restrictions on journalists' freedom of expression on social media, especially those who criticize the government, question authorities, or investigate public affairs.
The Law on Associations and regulations governing private commercial activity make it impossible for journalists and media outlets to obtain legal recognition or establish companies. Journalists have no right to salaries, maternity or sick leave, or retirement pensions.
Public media continue to serve as the regime's main propaganda tools, with no signs of change in that pattern.
The Cuban regime continues to block access to the websites of dozens of media outlets, organizations, and digital services, including the IAPA, Reporters Without Borders, Human Rights Watch, Cubanet, Diario de Cuba, El Toque, Cibercuba, ICLEP, Cuba Decide, and UNPACU.
The state exerts pressure on technology intermediaries and maintains a monopoly over the telecommunications sector. ETECSA—the sole company managing telecommunications—is part of the state-owned GAESA conglomerate. From there, the government censor pages and content, monitors citizens' communications, restricts or cuts Internet or phone access for extended or indefinite periods, and punishes users with fines or confiscation of property for posting critical content.
At the same time, independent Cuban media face the unintended collateral damage of U.S. government sanctions. While these outlets do not debate the effectiveness or justification of such sanctions, they emphasize that the measures harm the few remaining promoters of free expression on the island. Due to their lack of legal recognition, independent outlets are also unable to receive development funds from the European Union.
Nonetheless, various support measures have been implemented to help independent journalists continue their work, even as many have chosen to emigrate due to repression and the precarious nature of the profession. These include support from foreign diplomats, financial aid for outlets cut off from all funding sources, assistance to relatives and colleagues during arrests, access to training opportunities, psychological support and counseling, access to secure and stable communication technology, and material assistance to help alleviate their living conditions and those of their families.
