Freedom of the press was affected during this period by stigmatizing discourse from President Gustavo Petro, which the Foundation for Press Freedom (FLIP) has identified as a structural risk to journalistic practice. On multiple occasions, the president has accused journalists and media outlets of being part of illegal networks, labeling them—without evidence—as mafiosos or promoters of violence.
The most significant episode was the political and institutional pressure against Canal Uno, which broadcasts on a state frequency under a private concession model. Although its current concession is valid until 2027, President Petro ordered the bidding process to be brought forward to determine its future. It was accompanied by scrutiny of the shareholder composition of Plural Comunicaciones. This concessionaire company led to investigations by the Superintendency of Industry and Commerce regarding an alleged agreement with Caracol Radio. Although the channel denies this interpretation, the accumulation of proceedings and official interventions has been perceived as a form of political persecution that threatens pluralism in open television.
This hostile environment has had direct consequences for journalists, such as Paola Herrera, who announced her departure from journalism after facing systematic harassment and stigmatization campaigns, including from the president. Another case is Diana Saray Giraldo, who has been the target of multiple attacks and was labeled by the president as a “destroyer of people.”
It is documented that the government hires “influencers” under service contracts. These individuals act as digital propaganda operators and, at times, attack or discredit critical voices. This use of trolls linked to the government amplifies the effect of stigmatizing discourse.
Other cases included online threats and anonymous harassment against journalists in Antioquia, Nariño, and Medellín.
Regarding access to information, although no systematic pattern has yet been observed, a concerning trend has emerged of delaying or complicating information requests through legal loopholes.
A ruling on August 14 by the Supreme Court of Justice in the case of journalist Luis Antonio Peralta Cuéllar’s murder—committed ten years ago in El Doncello, Caquetá—established for the first time that crimes against journalists must be investigated, prosecuted, and punished with a differential approach and a censorship perspective. The precedent acknowledges that these attacks extend beyond the individual victim, impacting democracy and the flow of information. The decision reverses previous criteria that had downplayed the severity of the crime and reaffirms the need for enhanced protection for journalistic work.
Bills currently being processed in Congress pose additional threats to press freedom. One would impose fines on journalists even after they retract statements; another seeks to regulate government advertising through the so-called “one-third law,” which would allocate one-third of advertising to alternative and community media. While presented as an attempt to democratize state advertising, it is perceived more as a reward or punishment mechanism.
In parallel, the Communications Regulation Commission (CRC) announced rules on media pluralism for 2026 that could impose an official standard of “impartiality,” incompatible with journalistic independence. The Ministry of the Interior is also working on a public policy to promote freedom of the press and expression, which has yet to be structured or implemented.
On August 20, a bill introduced by the Ministry of Information and Communications Technologies (Mintic) sparked controversy in Congress and among opposition sectors. Senator Paloma Valencia denounced the initiative, saying that in a pre-election year, it seeks to turn Mintic into a “media police” by granting it inspection, oversight, and control powers, including administrative police authority and the ability to take over companies using the electromagnetic spectrum, including media outlets. According to Valencia and other critics, Article 10 of the bill is unconstitutional because it grants the Executive powers that belong solely to Congress.
The government denied any intention to intervene in media or content, stating that the goal is to protect critical infrastructure that ensures internet access, in line with Law 142 on public services.
In this context, Alfredo Rafael Saade was appointed Chief of the Presidential Office, tasked with leading the government’s communications strategy. Saade has maintained an openly hostile stance toward journalism, making statements such as that the media “brutalize, lie, and manipulate” and that too much democracy harms the president.
Meanwhile, the public media system, RTVC, has been instrumentalized to disseminate messages aligned with the government’s vision, without informational contrast or plurality of voices. The recent “takeover” of social media accounts of multiple state entities to replicate the official narrative on the health system crisis illustrated the severity of this practice, which undermines the independence of public media.
Regarding the case of journalist Jineth Bedoya, although the “No es Hora de Callar” fund was established in compliance with the Inter-American Court of Human Rights (IACHR) ruling, the orders of the judgment remain unfulfilled. The only convicted individual remains at large, the journalist continues to receive threats, and the joint work carried out by Bedoya and the Ministry of Equality to regulate the fund was disregarded by the Ministry of Finance, which presented an alternative draft, leaving the initiative in a state of uncertainty.
During the semester, multiple attacks against journalists were also recorded:
On May 17, journalist Sandra Chindoy from RTVC in Nariño received death threats and violent photomontages via the social network X.
On June 5, journalist Andrés Campuzano from the audiovisual outlet Cofradía para el Cambio and his family received death threats via Instagram after publishing information linking the criminal group Clan del Golfo to illegal mining in Antioquia and Chocó.
On June 15, journalists Nicolás Torres and Fredy Pernía from RTVC were physically and verbally assaulted during a protest in Bucaramanga.
On July 5, journalist and director of the radio station Guaviare Estéreo, Gustavo Chicangana Álvarez, and his wife, Ana Milena Torres, were victims of an attack outside their home in San José del Guaviare. Chicangana Álvarez has had protection measures since 2013.
On July 13, journalist Luis Alberto Suárez reported physical assault, threats, and stigmatization in Ayapel, Córdoba, by Government Secretary Jorge Rojas and Mayor Hugo Armando Pinedo.
On September 14, journalist Janer Alberto Valencia Cuéllar from Noticias del lado de la Verdad was attacked with punches and bottles in Tumaco, Nariño. The alleged aggressors include Agriculture Secretary Luis Javier Preciado Murillo and others.
