During this period, journalism remained a constant target of attacks by state and non-state actors. Although the number of attacks was lower compared to previous periods, the data shows a persistent climate of tension. This scenario is related to the increase in violence linked to organized crime and the implementation of restrictive policies that limit the freedom of expression of the media and civil society.
Criminal organizations were the main aggressors, with five threats against journalists reflecting the growing danger for those covering violence-related topics. Four attacks from the state were also recorded, evidencing the use of legal actions and intimidation against the press. Six other attacks occurred in digital environments.
The digital media outlet El Ferro Diario closed after threats against its director, Charly Castillo, who was investigating organized crime in Durán. Journalist Karen Minda, from La Voz del Pueblo, also suffered intimidation after denouncing irregularities in the Vinces City Hall. Mayor Alfonso Montalván publicly discredited her, while her source received death threats.
Public officials also censored journalists. Jefferson Sanguña resigned from Radio Municipal de Quito after receiving pressure to modify his programming. In Latacunga, Cotopaxi Prefect Lourdes Tibán demanded the recording of a radio program after being criticized; while journalist Alexandra Moyano suffered verbal assaults, her report on the Prefecture was removed from TikTok without explanation.
One of the most serious cases occurred against Guissela Garcés, from Contenidos EC, who was sued for violation of privacy by the Los Ríos Intendant, Darwin Haz, after publishing information about the leader's political party. The lawsuit was considered an attempt at intimidation in a context where the judicial system is used to persecute critical voices.
In November 2024, it was reported that the provinces have more digital attacks, physical assaults, restrictions on access to information, and arbitrary detentions, with Pichincha being the most affected province.
Among the most serious incidents, journalist Jorge Navarrete was forced into exile after receiving death threats from the armed group ELN in retaliation for his report on coca crops on the northern border. Furthermore, Guido Bricio appeared on a "cleaning list" with other public figures, causing fear for his safety.
On November 22, President Daniel Noboa signed Decree 464, creating the National Cybersecurity Committee. The broad powers granted to the Committee, for instance, declaring information confidential and restricting its dissemination, raised concerns about transparency and access to information. The absence of independent audits also increased fears of potential digital rights violations.
Digital attacks intensified with the closure of the Facebook page Humarta after false reports, attacks against journalists on social networks, and the blocking of the news portal Mil Hojas by an internet provider. Journalists like Álvaro Espinosa and Sol Borja were targets of smear campaigns and threats, while digital media outlets like Radio Reloj and Radio Voz from Upano faced unfounded complaints to censor their content.
In December 2024, several events put freedom of expression and digital rights into debate. In the journalistic field, December was marked by complaints and attacks against communicators and public figures. Businessman Xavier Jordán disseminated alleged incriminating chats and threatened legal actions against journalists and relatives of the deceased Fernando Villavicencio. He also attacked prosecutor Diana Salazar, while former assembly member Ronny Aleaga accused Villavicencio's daughters of being part of a "media mafia."
Journalist Carlos Barcia was declared innocent after a port official filed a complaint for alleged dishonor due to his investigations into irregularities at the Port of Manta. In Carchi, the Radio Frontera station was pressured with the potential loss of state advertising after a journalist asked the province's prefect an uncomfortable question. In Quito, journalist Arahí Vega was assaulted while covering a protest about the disappearance of minors without intervention from the police or other organizations.
Journalist Ángel Mediavilla and lawyer Jairo Lalaleo were notified of a restraining order prohibiting them from disseminating information about a candidate for the Assembly following a critical publication in a local media outlet.
In January, 14 attacks against freedom of expression and press were recorded in the context of an electoral campaign. Among the cases recorded in January, six were verbal assaults, while most of the attacks came from non-state actors, such as political figures and private groups. Additionally, 50% of the attacks occurred in the digital realm.
State actors continue to be among the main aggressors of the press. A notable case was the arbitrary cancellation of the program "Gente en Acción" on Radio Municipal in Quito, which sparked criticism for censorship. Abuse of power by authorities was also reported, such as the unjustified detention of journalist Yixon Ordóñez, despite communicators being exempt from the curfew under the state of emergency. Additionally, journalist Evelyn Calderón was pressured by police officers to omit the name of an official in her investigations into influence peddling.
Iván Rodríguez, from Teleamazonas, was physically assaulted by the security team of presidential candidate Luisa González while covering her arrival in Cuenca. On the other hand, journalist Catalina García received attacks on social networks after publishing a report on the investigation into the murder of a CPCCS advisor.
In February, the attacks increased, with a record of 33 cases. The electoral day on February 9 was particularly violent, with more than 10 attacks on journalists in different precincts across the country. Fundamedios monitoring revealed that 56% of these attacks came from state actors. The most common attacks were restrictions on access to polling stations, intimidation, and confiscation of work equipment.
During the elections, multiple press freedom violations were documented in various provinces. In Cotacachi, a journalist was detained by the military and stripped of his equipment, while in El Oro, several reporters were prevented from entering polling stations. In Quito and Guayaquil, national and international media communicators faced arbitrary restrictions. Despite the National Electoral Council's assertion that the press could work with their credentials, the events showed otherwise.
In addition to physical impediments, several journalists were targeted by legal reprisals and intimidation from political figures. Cases such as Boris Sarango, sued by a candidate for the Assembly, and Álvaro Espinosa, threatened by a presidential advisor, reflect the use of power to silence the press. Attacks from the municipal sector were also recorded, such as the declaration of Martín Pallares as a persona non grata in Guayaquil and the closure of the media outlet El Mercurio in Manta, actions seen as political reprisals.
In the digital realm, journalists and media faced cyberattacks and smear campaigns. Hackers attacked portals like Lupa Media and Radio Pichincha, while María Sol Borja received death threats after publishing opinion articles.
In March, Patricio Aguilar Vásquez was murdered in Esmeraldas after reporting on a kidnapping. Judicial processes and legal actions against journalists also marked March. José Najas, manager of Radio Sucesos, was acquitted of a political gender violence complaint filed by the president of the Assembly, Viviana Veloz.
Meanwhile, businessman Xavier Jordán, a fugitive from Ecuadorian justice, filed lawsuits in the U.S. against journalists investigating his alleged links to organized crime in an apparent attempt to silence critical reports. In turn, Miami judge Vivianne Del Rio rejected Jordán's request to subpoena Fernando Villavicencio's daughters in his U.S. lawsuit against prosecutor Diana Salazar. The magistrate considered it could constitute judicial harassment.
Oswaldo Salinas, from Radio Sucre, was assaulted while covering the arrival in Guayaquil of a former advisor linked to correísmo. Jefferson Santos, from Portada TV, reported an attempted assassination in his office in Puyo, where two unknown individuals warned him they had been hired to kill him. Additionally, several journalists were intimidated by the police while covering high-impact events, such as Jhonny Crespo in Machala and Marlon Torres in Shushufindi, who faced restrictions and threats while doing their work.
The misuse of media credentials by criminal gangs raised concerns. In the "Apolo 11" operation, the police discovered that criminal groups used fake credentials from Teleamazonas, Ecuavisa, RTS, and TC Televisión to deceive the public. Similarly, in the "Tormenta 25" operation, a stolen TC Televisión truck used in murders was recovered in Durán.
Other important events during this period:
On October 24, the digital media outlet Plan V suffered an attack on its X account after publishing an interview with former Foreign Minister Juan Carlos Holguín about corruption. The publication was reported as spam by trolls.
On October 30, journalist Karen Minda reported death threats and verbal assaults from Vinces Mayor Alfonso Montalván Cerezo after publishing irregularities reported by contractor Fabián Villegas.
On November 2, Jorge Navarrette, a journalist from La Posta, was intimidated by Colombia's ELN. The armed group sent him a message with his address, family data, and photos of his vehicle, demanding his appearance under threat. Navarrete, who investigated coca crops and child exploitation, received three threats in recent weeks.
On November 22, Priscila Schettini, candidate for the Assembly for Revolución Ciudadana, accused Lenín Artieda and Ecuavisa of being "accomplices of white-collar criminals" and disclosed chats between Fernando Villavicencio and journalists. Her publication came after Ecuavisa reported a complaint against her for violating privacy.
On November 29, the digital media outlets Humarta, Radio Reloj, and Radio Voz, from Upano in Morona Santiago, were reported on Facebook for alleged copyright infringement after publishing corruption complaints in the Morona Municipality.
On January 9, journalist Evelyn Calderón published a report on alleged influence peddling in the San Antonio de Pichincha Parish GAD. Shortly after, police officers went to her home at the request of President Verónica Cevallos, demanding she not mention her and threatening to withdraw protective measures.
On January 21, Judge Óscar Calero denied Alondra Santiago access to information about the revocation of her visa, arguing it was classified as "secret" under the Public Security Law. In June 2024, her visa was revoked for alleged "acts against public security," leading her to leave the country before her deportation.
On January 24, Omar González, editor of Hora32, reported creating a fake Facebook page that copied his media's identity using its logo and colors but sharing political content contrary to its editorial line.
On February 4, journalist Boris Sarango, from Primer Reporte, was sued by Giovanny Loayza, candidate for the National Assembly for Avanza, for "discredit and dishonor" after publishing an investigation into the backgrounds of the 2,089 candidates.
During the February 2025 elections, more than 10 journalists were restricted in their work at polling stations, mainly in El Oro. Despite CNE guarantees, reporters like Jhonny Crespo and Michelle Espinoza were prevented from covering the vote, and others faced similar obstructions. In Guayaquil, the Expreso newspaper team was also restricted.
On February 9, an APAK TV journalist was detained and stripped of his equipment by the military in Cotacachi, Imbabura, during election day.
On February 14, Assemblymember Paola Cabezas filed a notitia criminis with the Prosecutor's Office against journalist Martín Pallares and interviewer Carlos Vera, accusing them of committing a "hate crime" for an analysis on drug trafficking and the elections.
